… about the teacher Dumitru Mărtinaș and …

about Roman Catolic Association

We are not ethnic "csangos".

An ethnic group cannot appear at once, only on the basis of the statements of the Szekler priest Péter Zöld. An ethnic group is made up of people who have a common origin, the same long historical past (thousands of years), have the same cultural values, a certain degree of kinship, a similar physical appearance, a typical physiognomy, a common language and common ancestors. An example is the ethnic group of the Roma which is an ethnic group over 1000 years since they arrived in Europe, to which are added several thousand years of existence in India. We Roman Catholics in Moldova do not have a millennial historical past, separate from the Romanian people, we have the same cultural values as Romanians, DNA tests show that we are related to Romanians, we have a Romanian-like appearance, typical Romanian physiognomy, we speak Romanian, wear popular is Romanian, our traditions are Romanian and the folklore is identical to that of the Orthodox Romanians. If some of the Roman Catholics still use Hungarian words in their language, as a result of the Hungarianization of their ancestors and the transmission of the language orally, it does not mean that they are Hungarians. This language (spoken) was transmitted only verbally, Roman Catholics not knowing how to write Hungarian words, they also use Romanian words mixed with Hungarian, the language used being different from one locality to another. The Roman Catholics from Moldova (the so-called "csangos") cannot be of Hungarian origin, because HUNGARIAN ETHNICITY DOES NOT EXIST different from the ethnicity of the Balkan peoples, the Hungarians from Hungary being descendants - and they - of Dacians and Thracians (see ACKNOWLEDGMENT page) . From an ethnic point of view, the Roman Catholics in Moldova can only be Romanians, Iberians, Celts, etc. or of another known and unanimously accepted ethnic group (eg Germans, Iberians, Greeks, Chinese, etc.) but all historical, cultural, ethnographic and biological evidence (DNA tests) confirms that the so-called “csangos” are Romanians ( see DNA tests … here >>> ).

We are Romanians !

Our ancestors came to the area of Moldova, leaving Transylvania, in successive waves, for over 800 years. We are currently over 276,000, according to the latest census. We are Roman Catholics because we inherited the religion of our ancestors from Transylvania. We Roman Catholics in Moldova do not speak Hungarian. The vast majority of so-called "csangos" speak only Romanian. Few Roman Catholics use Hungarian words mixed with Romanian vocabulary. The so-called "csango" language is different from one locality to another.

The "csango" ethnicity does not exist and the name "csangos" is offensive.

WE DON'T AGREE TO BE CALLED "CSANGOS",

for the following reasons:

1 . The name “csango” is arbitrary, being the creation of the Szekler priest Péter Zöld, in 1780, without scientific arguments. 2 . This name has no historical basis, not being based on a history of a group of people, Moldovan Catholics having the same history as Romanian ethnics. 3 . The name is ambiguous because it does not define "csangos", does not establish criteria on the basis of which a person can be considered "csangos" and leaves the possibility for anyone to be included in this category of persons, without any justification. 4 . Ever since the appearance of the name “csango”, it has been used in a pejorative sense (meaning mongrel). 5 . The name "csango" has no scientific justification, being contradicted by historical, cultural arguments and DNA tests that confirm that the so-called "csangos" are Romanians and are different from Hungarians. To see the genetic differences between the so-called “csangos” and Hungarians - see ACKNOWLEDGMENT page .

Territorial distribution of Roman Catholics in the region of Moldavia - Romania.

Map indicating the localities where there are important Roman Catholic communities in the area of Moldavia.

ROMAN CATHOLICS FROM MOLDAVIA

In connection with the Roman Catholics of Moldova there is a line of approach, which belongs to the Hungarian side and which starts from the writings of a Szekler Catholic missionary from 1781, Zöld Péter. Arriving in Moldova, he produced a linguistic innovation, "Csango-Hungarian", relating it to the Roman Catholic community and thus creating a false ethnonym. From that moment, Hungarian researchers set out in search of the origins of this imaginary ethnic group, coming to speak successively of the "csangos" of Cumanian, Kabyle, Pecheneg, Hunic or Hungarian origin. The respective theories carefully avoid the possibility of the Moldovan Catholics belonging to the Romanian people, the traditional elements, which obviously include them in this cultural area, being considered as results of the assimilation exercised by the Romanian majority. Proceeding in this way, the Hungarian side invariably reaches the conclusions aimed at from the very beginning: in Moldova there is an ethnic minority of Hungarian origin, mysterious, exotic and fascinating, the "csangos", which is threatened with extinction, guilty of this situation. The Catholic Church and the Romanian state. Unfortunately, European bodies have fallen into the trap of care built by the Hungarian propaganda apparatus and, without first undertaking a scientific investigation into the problem, have rushed to adopt documents to "save" the alleged minority. Recommendation 1521 was thus reached, which speaks of "csangos" and "csangos language", considered of definite Hungarian origin, so that only at the end of the document, the proposal to "research and inventory the linguistic and ethnographic characteristics" of them. Such paradoxes could have been avoided if there had been a willingness to listen to arguments other than those of the Hungarian side. It would have been noticed that Moldovan Catholics have always been and consider themselves Romanians. It could also be seen that from 1781 until now the Hungarian side has been sounding the same alarm about the "imminent danger of assimilation of the Hungarians from Moldavia", calling the province "the great cemetery of the Hungarian nation". If so, the question arises: how did the alleged minority survive and grow in numbers? How did he have a status equal to the majority for over 300 years? Would this have been possible in the context of the much-claimed policy of assimilation of the Romanian state, for which, however, no serious evidence was ever produced? Hungary's desire to expand its influence east of the Carpathians has taken on various forms of manifestation over time. It was very important to assume the role of state with an apostolic mission. Along these lines, the Catholic Church in Hungary has made efforts to impose its supremacy in Moldova. The argument used by Hungarian missionaries towards their Italian and Polish "competitors", but also in relation to the Vatican, was the assertion that the Catholic parishioners in Moldova are Hungarian and need a Hungarian clerical hierarchy. After 1781, in parallel with the furious search for the origins of the supposed minority of the "csangos", when the historical context allowed, they resorted to direct Hungarianization of this population, ignoring both the desire of community members to be considered Romanians and scientific truths. An eloquent example is given by the post-World War II period, when Moldovan Roman Catholics were subjected to immense pressure by the communist regime to assimilate their Hungarian identity. The process of "building the socialist society" also aimed at a washing of the Romanians' conscience in order to ensure a better control of the society. The ruling circles, under the direct protection of Moscow, have pursued a policy of exacerbating the nationalism of ethnic minorities. Within this policy, a special place was reserved for education in the mother tongue, an area in which there were also excesses, which had nothing in common with the situation on the ground. We refer to the organization of education in Hungarian. In Transylvania, he was responding to undeniable ethnic realities, instead, his forced imposition in the Catholic localities of Moldova was a political gesture to undermine those communities, all the more surprising as the censuses clearly indicated that the population declared " origin, nationality and Romanian citizenship ”. The attitude of the people was immediately confirmed by the refusal to enroll in Hungarian schools, insistently requesting Romanian language schools. Such cases were registered in Luizi Călugăra, Cleja, Pustiana or Nicolae Bălcescu, in order to refer only to a few important localities, which still face similar problems. In fact, from this site you will be able to recognize other similarities between the attempt at Hungarianization in the '50s and the imagined "campaign to save the csango", with which we are contemporaries. If the idea of education in Hungarian was of Soviet origin, its application in practice found its fiercest soldiers in the Hungarian Communists from Transylvania. These emissaries of Hungarianization, faced with the refusal of the population, exerted pressure and took measures to "process" the Roman Catholics in the national problem, which, according to the methods of the '50s, probably the darkest and bloodiest period of communism in Romania , meant, in fact, coercion and indoctrination to accept the policy of Hungarianization. Through these measures, the rupture between parishioners and priests was also pursued, the representatives of the Catholic Church of Moldova being the best defenders of the identity of the Romanian Catholics and formidable opponents of the communist regime. Finding that the establishment of new Hungarian schools, initially adopted, does not give the expected results, the abusive measure of transforming Romanian schools into schools with Hungarian language teaching was resorted to, allowing their artificial development. Following the same policy, the authorities of the time resorted to the literacy of illiterate adults also in Hungarian, hitting on this line the refusal of the population. The mentioned measures were perfectly in line with the communist party's fresh propaganda find - solving the problem of nationalities. That policy, however, had nothing to do with ensuring their real protection, in fact reverting to the role of imposing control of the party through ethnic manipulations and ultimately resulting in the mass emigration of the real ethnic minorities. This is the time that many people say should be taken as an example today. The respective rapporteurs practice a cruel misinformation, talking about the '50s, as a period in which there would have been an "opportunity" to study the Hungarian language in some schools in Moldova, a "facility" restricted, apparently, later by the communist nationalist regime. Those who approach the subject thus forget, do not know or knowingly ignore the fact that the so-called opportunity to study in Hungarian schools was a Soviet imposition broken by the reality on the ground and accompanied by all the range of constraints in which totalitarian regimes excelled. It also avoids the fact that Moldovan Roman Catholics then strongly asserted their Romanian identity, constantly refusing to attend Hungarian schools. Moreover, since Hungarian is not the mother tongue of Moldovan Catholics, students' learning outcomes ranged from mediocre to catastrophic. Also, the communist regime had to bring from Transylvania Hungarian teachers, who knew how to teach in Hungarian, but who did not speak Romanian at all and did not get along with the students. Another forgotten truth is that the communist regime did not abolish the Hungarian schools, because the communists had imposed them. They disappeared naturally, each with an existence of only a few years, confirming the lamentable failure of an unnatural experiment. Europe is preparing to reunite in a family with different mentalities and a new lifestyle. Unfortunately, even in this context, some find it appropriate to revive ghosts of the past, returning to the same obstinate ideas, which they only beautify and dress in the forms of expression of our time. After 1989, invoking the legislation on the protection of minorities, a new campaign was launched to claim the Catholic community in Moldova as "the most eastern and archaic component of the Hungarian nation." After the Hungarian missionaries of the 16th and 18th centuries, after the Hungarian researchers of the 19th century and in the footsteps of the communist emissaries, who tried to Hungarianize Moldovan Catholics in the middle of the last century, it is now the turn of a new generation of "Hungarian apostles" to try. and the methods behind our community. We will point out just a few of the aggressions against the Romanian identity of Roman Catholics in Moldova, in order to give you an idea of the psychological pressure this community is subjected to by a small group of people who have never claimed Hungarian origins until they were not financially, materially or referred to in Hungary. They differ from the Hungarians in Transylvania, who in all regimes asserted their national identity. Thus, several pro-Hungarian associations were born, equal in number to the number of their members, which, despite never obtaining the delegation of the Catholic community from Moldova, began to speak on its behalf before the Romanian institutions, European forums and of the Catholic Church. But what are the main ideas promoted by the militants of the so-called csangos rescue campaign in Moldavia? The first, paradoxical, is that approaching the issue of the identity of Moldovan Catholics in a European way would mean ignoring the discussion on their origins, if it leads to the conclusion that the members of the community are Romanian. But the same problem of ethnic origins is no longer ostracized, when some want to declare everyone as belonging to the Hungarian nation, turning them into an ethnic minority, which requires respect for certain rights, which, in fact, no one infringe. From here we reach the accusations brought against the Romanian state and the Catholic Church, which would carry out a continuous policy of assimilation of the csangos, denying them access to religious and educational assistance in Hungarian, insistently requested but without support in reality, by pro-Canaanite associations. -maghiare. They, preaching the thesis of the Hungarian origin of Moldovan Catholics, through various complaints and memoirs, stir the slogan of respect for human and minority rights, resorting to all sorts of logical artifices, hoping not to improve the lives of Moldovan Catholics or preserve their cultural identity, as he hypocritically declares, but to accredit the idea that Romania is not a country with a European vocation, but a state incapable of recognizing and respecting the rights of its citizens belonging to minorities of various kinds. Thus, we find that associations that exist through their 2-3 members and that address an extremely wide range of issues, from foreign policy analysis to issuing assumptions in areas that are foreign to them (such as history , ethnography, linguistics, etc.), organizes press conferences, issues communiqués and gives advice to the Romanian state, the Catholic Church and, strangely enough, to the Romanian Roman Catholic population in Moldova, on how to accept a priori the Hungarian origin of the members of this community. In other words, they ask us to ignore the fact that the self-identified and self-declared "Csango-Hungarian" comes from a Romanian family, whose parents, grandparents and great-grandparents considered themselves and declared themselves Romanians. By virtue of this thinking, we should accept the axiom of the Hungarian origin of the so-called csango and proceed to grant rights to a minority that does not actually exist, with variants that sound, isn't it, much more Western, "measures affirmative ”,“ positive discrimination ”etc. There is a lot of talk in pro-Hungarian circles about the assimilationist policy of the Romanian state and the Roman Catholic Church, about the pressures to which the population would be willing to assert its membership in the Hungarian nation, but there is never talk about the methods used to attract to the several hundred new adherents to the "cause of Hungarianness in Moldova". Those associations always forget to mention that they overwhelm those targeted with material aid and financial incentives to be "brought back into the heart of the Hungarian nation" and do not say a word about the repeated forgeries committed in compiling the signature lists that accompany the language applications. Hungarians in schools and churches. In these conditions, we ask ourselves: what kind of exercise of freedom of conscience is this and what basis can be placed on such a type of self-identification? It is interesting, in this context, the approach that the respective associations have towards the results of the 1992 census, when 95% of the Moldovan Catholics declared themselves Romanians. Hungarian circles carried out an intense campaign to challenge the census results, saying they were flawed by reviewers who refused to register some Catholics as "csangos" or "Hungarians". We specify that these interpretations are based on late testimonies, after 1992, and that they come from a small group of people, forgetting that at the time of the review they did not protest in any way, although they would have at least not been able to sign. a questionnaire, which they considered incorrectly completed. The press reported that, for the 2002 census, the pro-Hungarian associations took precautionary measures, directing some conflicting episodes, in order to allow the subsequent contestation of new unfavorable results. However, after 12 years of propaganda pressure from pro-Hungarian groups, Moldovan Roman Catholics have agreed to once again exercise their fundamental right to self-identification, declaring themselves, for the first time, in proportion of 95.7 % Romanians. This percentage, as well as other data used here, refers to the population of Bacău County, which we consider representative of the situation in all of Moldavia. Thus, in 2002, in Bacău County, out of a total of 706,623 inhabitants, 119,618 declared themselves Roman Catholics. Remembering that not all Hungarians are of Roman Catholic denomination, we mention that in the same county were registered in the last census 4317 ethnic Hungarians, but of these 2720 can not be the subject of discussion of belonging to the alleged minority of csangos of Hungarian origin, because they are undoubtedly part of the Hungarian minority in Romania, being located in the commune of Ghimeş-Făget, and from an ecclesiastical point of view they belong to the Archdiocese of Alba Iulia. It follows that there are 1597 Hungarians left, to which are added 796 people who declared themselves "csangos". We reach a total of 2393 people, who could be the target group of pro-Hungarian associations, but this figure is not relevant either, because those of other religions than the Roman Catholic one (defining for the so-called csangos) must be reduced. The number in question also suffers downward adjustments due to the decrease in the number of Hungarians who came to Moldova during the twentieth century, mostly intellectuals established in urban areas, who again are not subject to the "csango problem" and therefore can not serve the argument of the pro-Hungarians, just as those who have declared themselves "csangos" cannot use, but consider the Romanian language as their mother tongue, which they want to learn in school and use in the Church. The statistics from 1992 show us the magnitude of the last mentioned situation: out of a total of 2062 “csangos” declared at national level, 1489 declared Romanian as their mother tongue and only 403, Hungarian. From the data presented above, it results that out of 119,618 Roman Catholics in Bacău County, 114,505 (95.72%) identified themselves as Romanians, and the 2393 of those who declared themselves "Hungarians" and "csangos", which may be of interest for the "csango problem", represent only 2.00% of the community and only 0.33% of the total population of the county. We mention that at the level of villages and communes the respective “Hungarians” and “csangos” do not form compact communities, but are dispersed, representing about the same percentages as in the general statistical table. For example, in the two main centers of action of pro-Hungarian associations, where propaganda pressure and attempts at material and financial interest have been at paroxysmal levels for over a decade, the following situation is recorded: in Cleja, out of a total of 6903 inhabitants declared themselves to be Hungarian 108 people, ie 1.56%; and in the commune of Pârjol, which includes the village of Pustiana with a Catholic population, out of a total of 6773 inhabitants, 360 people declared themselves Hungarians, representing 5.31%, these being, in fact, the highest and most favorable percentages of organizations pro-Hungarian, and which does not justify the approval of the establishment of Hungarian language courses and services in these localities. If we analyze the data provided by the 1992 census and compare them with those of 2002, regarding the persons who declared themselves Hungarians and "csangos", we can observe the following situation: in 1992 there were 4373 Hungarians and 1137 csangos, ie a total of 5510 persons, and in 2002 there are 4317 Hungarians and 796 csangos, totaling 5113 persons. It is observed that, in the context of the demographic decrease felt at national level, there is a slight decrease in the number of Hungarians (by 56 people), and, at the same time, there is a significant decrease in the number of "csangos" (by 341 people). people), despite intense pro-Hungarian propaganda. These figures must also be interpreted in the light of the pressures exerted by the pro-Hungarian associations, which asked the population to declare themselves directly "Hungarians" and not just "csangos". In support of this idea comes an example revealed by the media in Bacău even during the 2002 census. Thus, an old man from Pustiana who initially declared himself a "csango", influenced by his son and daughter-in-law, modified the option, requesting to be registered as Hungarian. The locals stated that the dissatisfied old man's son is an employee of the UDMR branch in Miercurea Ciuc, and his wife is the sister of the president of the csango- Hungarian Association of Moldova, the main promoter of theses on the Hungarian origin of the "csangos". Of course, the census data from 2002 will be subject to other types of reading and analysis from now on. Our approach did not aim to draw all possible conclusions, which we are sure will soon be made available to us by researchers entitled to do so. We have proposed only a review of some data of the census, in the desire to emphasize that freedom of conscience and the right to self-identification are unrestricted in Romania. Under these conditions, the Roman Catholic population in Moldova firmly and overwhelmingly expresses its Romanian identity, leaving, practically, a very small margin of maneuver to those who, wanting to artificially expand the borders of the Hungarian nation, ignore the scientific truths and the desire of the Romanian community. - Catholics, agitating without real reason the "issue of the Csangos - Hungarians", whose so-called lack of rights is lamented in the most hypocritical way possible. The childish argument that these Catholics would like to declare themselves Hungarians, but cannot for fear of pressure from the Romanian state, is refuted by the fact that the polls ensured the confidentiality of the data provided by the population and allowed people to declare any identity they wanted. the March 2002 census was confirmed, for example, by an independent opinion poll, organized in March-April 2002 by the Center for Urban and Regional Sociology - CURS and the University of Bucharest, entitled "csango villages in Moldova") . Moreover, the Roman Catholics of Moldova never shyed to publicly express their options on this issue, namely the Romanian identity, even when the historical conditions were unfavorable to such a gesture. We find it at least strange that the leaders of pro-Hungarian associations never manage, even when they resort to falsehoods, to gather a significant and constant number of supporters, the figures inexplicably varying between a few tens and about two hundred people, given the conditions. in which only the population of a commune amounts to a few thousand. And this to a community that is said to be eager to introduce the Hungarian language in the church and school. These demands ignore the firm and constant desire of Roman Catholics in Moldova to benefit from educational and religious assistance exclusively in Romanian, which everyone speaks and understands. Lacking the support of the population, pro-Hungarian associations are forced to resort to all sorts of fireworks to overcome this handicap. The most used method is to assault the institutions of the Romanian state and of the Catholic Church with an avalanche of memoirs aimed at introducing the Hungarian language. In order to hide the fact that they are drawn up by the same 20-30 pro-Hungarians in the area, lists of supporting signatures are drawn up. The procedure would be normal, if, in reality, it were not about some forgeries, which place the perpetrators in the sphere of crimes provided by the Criminal Code. Whenever the lists attached to the memoranda were checked, it was found that they were not drawn up correctly. The leaders of pro-Hungarian associations promise people all kinds of help and facilities, asking for confirmation signatures in return. These tables are then annexed to applications for the introduction of the Hungarian language in schools and churches. The cases reported by the press and the population are numerous and their simple sequence would occupy the entire space of our material. Therefore, we will focus only on three examples. In the autumn of 1997, the Bacău School Inspectorate received from Andras Beress, then Secretary of State from UDMR, a memorandum signed by 29 inhabitants of Cleja, requesting "ensuring the study of Hungarian language and literature in schools." As the inspectorate had not received any request from the villagers, it ordered an investigation based on the list of signatures that accompanied the memorandum. It was found that out of the 29 signatories, only 8 had school-age children and would have been entitled to make such a request. Moreover, most of those on the list did not even know what they had actually signed for, because Andrei Duma, the AMCM leader in Cleja and the initiator of the memorandum, had misinformed them, claiming that he was signing for some foreign aid. For the school year 2002 - 2003, AMCM claimed the establishment of classes in Hungarian, claiming that it speaks on behalf of 150 families from Cleja and Pustiana. In the end, it turned out that only 11 children in Cleja and 12 in Pustiana attend the Hungarian language courses approved by the County School Inspectorate. In this way, other institutions that would grant the rights requested by AMCM could be misled. In April 2001, AMCM leaders called for the introduction of Hungarian-language services in Pustiana, supporting their memorandum with 253 signatures, which they said belonged to local parishioners. The Commission of the Roman Catholic Episcopate of Iaşi found that 21 people had not signed any application; 6 gave signatures for other purposes (doctor in the village, building a school, jobs in Hungary, etc.); and 7 applied for jobs in Hungarian, but one of them changed his mind. In another 64 cases, there were people who did not exist or left the village, people with severe disabilities, people without religion or non-practicing Catholics, minors who came on holiday, signatures that appear twice on the list, people who declared that they had signed to obtain some material goods. The initiators of such approaches are in flagrant contradiction with the Vatican regulations, respected throughout the Catholic world, by bringing Hungarian priests from Transylvania and Hungary, to officiate services in the parishes of the Diocese of Iasi in a language foreign to the population. On the other hand, the Hungarian- language press, which does not tire of lamenting the "Holocaust" to which the "csangos" would be subjected, resorts to misinformation about the high Catholic hierarchs by Hungarianizing their names and launching vile attacks on their families. To the methods of disinformation exemplified above are added the substitution of traditions and their attribution to another ethnic group, a process with ancient historical roots. In the autumn of 2002, in Bacău, during a press conference organized by AMCM, UDMR and the Hungarian Embassy, the most passionate speaker about the Hungarian origin of the so-called csangos was none other than Kallos Zoltan, one of the main actors of the communist offensive. of Hungarianization of Moldovan Catholics in the 1950s. At that time, the emissaries of Hungarianization noticed that the dress, dances and songs of Moldovan Catholics had nothing in common with the Hungarian cultural area. Consequently, they endowed the folk ensembles with Szekler folk costumes from Transylvania and brought songs from the Transylvanian Hungarian villages received from the researchers of the Folklore Institute from Cluj. Not long after, they came to Moldova and collected songs imported from Transylvania, as evidence of the Hungarian origin of the "csangos". Among the "specialists" from Cluj who came to the Bacău Region for this pseudo-scientific approach was the ethnographer Kallos Zoltan, who on 24.09.2002 could not stop talking about his long scientific activity in the field of research "csango folklore". But who are the Catholics in Moldova and why has their issue generated so much controversy? Why do some try to include the Hungarian nation, calling them "csangos"? Is it right to talk about the rights of a community, ignoring or blaming a previous scientific investigation of its origins? Can we ignore the Romanian self-identification of over 95% of the Roman Catholics in Moldova, giving priority to several dozen pro-Hungarians? What elements do we take into account when we talk about identity? Are we just referring to the simple statement of a few people? Let us not forget that in court the statement of the accused is never considered sufficient evidence, even if he admits the commission of the deed. We appreciate that the issue of identity cannot be discussed without addressing its defining elements, such as those arising from ethnicity. We cannot agree with those who try to prove the false idea that the debate on origins is just a diversion from respect for the rights of the community concerned. Ethnicity, language, history and cultural traditions, representing the main identity landmarks of Moldovan Catholics, cannot be circumvented if the truth is to be found. Only from this point can we proceed to claim and grant special rights, such as those dedicated to minorities. We also consider the biased statements regarding the Church's involvement in the so-called assimilationist policy that would have been carried out against the "Csangos-Hungarians" to be totally unfounded, the consequence of which would be the division of the community of Catholic believers in Moldova. On the contrary, the Catholic Church promotes balance and harmony among its parishioners, as it does throughout the world. Statements such as that the Vatican, by creating the Roman Catholic Diocese of Iasi, did nothing but participate in the process of Romanization of the "Hungarian Csangos", prove, in addition to an acute absence of the Christian spirit, a reverse understanding of the exercise of fundamental human rights, because the Catholic Church came to the solution of the establishment of that diocese precisely to respond to the ethnic and linguistic realities of Moldova, which it knew very well, and which until the emergence of the new ecclesiastical structure could not be respected. When we say this, we think that no international body wants to make wrong decisions, taking into account the actions of a small group and ignoring the statements of over 95% of members of a community, who also have scientifically proven evidence. We referred to the tribulations of Hungarian historiography, when he wants to prove the non-Romanian origin of Moldovan Catholics. It is true that the Romanian historiography from the beginning of the 20th century also experienced such turmoil, paying tribute to the tangential approach to the problem and launching questions, rather than offering plausible answers. Like Hungarian researchers, some Romanian historians have been deceived by the stereotype "Catholic is equal to Hungarian, Orthodox is equal to Romanian." Also, the terms “Hungarian” or “Hungarian” were adopted, with which those from Transylvania, formerly called the Land of Hungary, were designated, ignoring the fact that the appellations attributed then to some individuals or communities did not have ethnic consistency, but they designated the origin of a geo-political space. Equally, the issue of bilingualism was treated superficially, considering that the use of csango speech is a sufficient argument for the Hungarian origin of Moldovan Catholics, ignoring the substratum elements that demonstrate the Romanian origin of speakers of this language. These are the reasons why the pro-Hungarian associations, evading the basic rules of historical research, misinterpret and partisanly interpret the interrogations of some Romanian historians, citing them taken out of context, as indisputable evidence of the non-Romanian origin of Moldovan Catholics. Instead, intellectuals like Fr. Iosif Petru M.Pall and Dumitru Mărtinaş, raised even among the Moldovan Catholics, began to prove their Romanian origin with scientific arguments. That line is continued and deepened today by other researchers, who through their efforts bring us closer to finding out the truth. The results of their work show that Roman Catholics in Moldova never called themselves "csangos". Moreover, they reject this term, considering it pejorative, and call themselves Romanian Catholics. The situation has remained valid until today, since the beginning of the 18th century, when Dimitrie Cantemir noted that they, the Catholics of Moldova, "call themselves so both by race and by religion." What more eloquent proof of their Romanian identity could Moldovan Catholics have produced for over 300 years, than the constant and firm rejection of a name - that of "csangos" - attributed to them outside the community out of a desire to give them an ethnic origin? was she a foreigner? What can be more telling than the lamentable failure of the linguistic innovation of the Szekler priest Zold Peter in the heart of this community, which does not miss any opportunity to assert its Romanian identity? Perhaps only the coexistence with the Orthodox Romanians, with whom the Catholic Romanians share both the good and the bad of a history that is not at all permissible with this land. For together they fight in all the moments of national affirmation, together they pay taxes, they suffer the epidemics and the famine brought by the wars, the rigors of the totalitarian regimes, and today, behold, they cross the rigors of a far too long transition. Unfortunately, some believe that these are not enough and add another burden on the shoulders of the community, trying, for the time being, to change its identity. The movement of people between Transylvania and Moldova is a recognized phenomenon, by virtue of which the connections between the Romanians of the two provinces were constant and strong. Of course, due to the disadvantaged status of the Romanian population in Transylvania until the Union of 1918, the flow was from this province to Moldova, rather than in the opposite direction. When the situation of the Transylvanian Romanians became unbearable at home, they took refuge in Moldova. This is how the Romanians arrived here, their settlement in the area being accelerated and more numerous starting with the 18th century. During their stay in Transylvania, they were subjected, to varying degrees, to the processes of secession and Hungarianization, which, in essence, involved learning the Hungarian language at a popular level and, most often, replacing Romanian names with their translations. in Hungarian. This explains the traditional dress, architecture, folklore, traditions and customs, which have correspondences and relatives that go as far as identifying with the cultural space of the Romanians in Transylvania. The speech of the Romanian Transylvanian speech is also justified, knowing that the Moldovan Catholics do not use the Romanian speech from Moldova, which eliminates the theories that support their Romanianization through contact with the natives of this province. The preserved language elements from Transylvania, as well as the characteristic of the whistling speech, proper only to the Romanian linguistic area since the language formation period, clearly demonstrate that the ancestors of the Roman Catholics in Moldova spoke Romanian when they were in Transylvania and that it has always been their mother tongue. The language called csangos is inherited during his stay in Transylvania, being a Hungarian language partially acquired, only orally and encumbered by many elements specific to the Romanian language, meant to represent a way of communication with Szekler or Hungarian neighbors. Once in Moldova, some Catholics, in an early stage of secession or Hungarianization, naturally abandoned the csango language, and those who were more strongly secessionized or Hungarianized kept this language, which still has no writing today. It is significant that the Szekler priest Zold Peter himself, the father of the false ethnonym "Csangos-Hungarians", noted about Moldovan Catholics that they speak bad Hungarian. And this in 1781, when the Catholics who arrived from Transylvania had not had time to endure the supposed assimilative pressures of the orthodox natives. In fact, as can be seen today, the dances and dress of Roman Catholics in Moldova fit perfectly into the traditional Romanian area. We consider that, along with the results of scientific research, the issue of the representativeness of the associations dealing with Moldovan Catholics and the target group to which they refer has a special importance in the debate of the issue of Roman Catholics in Moldova. As far as we are concerned, the "Dumitru Mărtinaş" Association had the courage to submit to the vote of the population, organizing a general assembly, whose participants, rejecting the classification as an ethnic minority, affirmed their quality as a Romanian religious community. The adherence of the association among the people is also proved by the large number of branches established and in the process of being set up, over 20, all achieved in only two years of actual operation. What do pro-Hungarian associations present themselves instead and on whose behalf do they speak? We raise this question, because it seems that the respective associations have big problems in terms of representativeness. It can be noticed that, after 12 years of intense activity, they managed to attract only a small number of people, in the hundreds, from several localities of Moldova, these being, not by chance, the birthplaces of the leaders of the mentioned organizations. Even more eloquent is the fact that the number of people engaged in actions aimed at introducing the Hungarian language in schools and the church is never constant, which means that, despite the various forms of material interest to which the population is subjected, its "beliefs" about the origin Hungarians are not nearly as firm as the leaders of pro-Hungarian associations would like. To circumvent this reality, the leaders recently said they have 35 branches in Moldova. Even for a person unfamiliar with the problem, the figure is obviously fanciful, as there are no 35 communities in Moldova in which csango speech is used. Should we understand from the statement of the AMCM leaders that they militate for the introduction of the Hungarian language in the localities with a Romanian Catholic population in proportion of 100%? And in terms of the size of the group, on whose behalf the pro-Hungarian associations claim to speak, there have been large numerical fluctuations. For the self- proclaimed saviors of the identity of the Csango-Hungarians initially claimed all 276,000 members of the Roman Catholic community in Moldova. Subsequently, they retreated to an estimate of 60-70,000 "csangos" from Moldova, referring to bilingual Catholics, who also use Romanian Transylvanian and csangos. Unfortunately, these figures were also taken over by the rapporteurs of the Council of Europe, who did not notice that in the localities with bilingual population the statistics record, as in the Catholic villages that use only the Romanian language, percentages of over 95% citizens who declare themselves Romanian. Finally, if none of the estimates could be assumed, the pro-Hungarian associations took refuge in the approximately 2,000 "csangos" declared in the census, although almost 1,500 of them indicated Romanian as their mother language. C O N C L U S I O N Out of 276,000 Catholics in Moldova, over 95% consider themselves Romanians. They reject the categorization as an ethnic minority and the inappropriate naming of "csangos", stating that they are part of the Romanian people, a community of Catholic faith within it. The results of scientific research confirm and support these truths. On the other hand, some people, by virtue of personal interests and the desire to serve purposes other than the good of the Roman Catholic community in Moldova, want to show that there is a minority of "csango", considered ethnic Hungarians, who are on the verge of extinction, due to the pressures of the Romanian state and of the Catholic Church. They are working hard to get this untruth recognized by European bodies, never forgetting to mention that Romania does not respect the rights of ethnic minorities and, therefore, does not deserve to be admitted to various European and Euro-Atlantic structures. However, they miss the detail that Romania has made obvious progress in the field of recognizing and guaranteeing the rights of real ethnic minorities in the country. Why, then, would he oppose the exercise of the rights of the "csangos"? How do they differ in this respect from Germans, Gypsies, Hungarians, Jews, Armenians, Turks, Tatars, Bulgarians, Serbs, Poles, Ukrainians, etc.? Isn't it precisely because the case of the "csangos" is an imaginary ethnic minority? An eloquent proof that the real target of the pro-Hungarians was Romania's compromise in the process of joining European structures, and by no means the good of the "csango minority" in Moldova, is the Balvanyos statements of the AMCM and UDMR leaders. Despite the fact that the Romanian authorities granted them undue "rights" regarding the introduction of the Hungarian language in Moldovan schools, they challenged this reality, further stating that Romania does not grant such rights. It is, we believe, a good example of the fact that the pro - Hungarians will never stop issuing claims, no matter how many concessions the Romanian side makes, even among the unjustified ones. We are therefore of the opinion that the identity of Roman Catholics must be defended and preserved, but we insist that the decisions taken in this regard aim at preserving the true identity of our community and not lead to its distortion, by starting from false premises or by unilateral information. from sources interested in proving things inconsistent with reality. In this regard, we appreciate that initiatives aimed at supporting economic growth and cultural affirmation of the areas inhabited by Catholics in Moldova are welcome, because such measures can really help our community, as can not do, instead, courses, services and Hungarian-language radio or television stations, which a quarter of a million people do not understand because they are not in their mother language.

Invitation to the truth … because… “… the truth will set us free”…

In

the

event

of

a

dialogue

with

those

who

have

a

different

opinion

from

ours,

regarding

the

origin

of

the

so-called

"csangos",

we

launch the following invitation:

All those who consider themselves "csangos", We invite them to do their DNA test for ethnicity. That's just for them. For them to find out their identity. So that they can find out their origin and get to know their ancestors. For them to be convinced of their true, own identity. For us, it doesn't matter (their genetic profile). Whatever the outcome, we consider them brothers in the Lord.

EXPLANATIONS AND GUIDELINES FOR THOSE WHO ACCEPT THE INVITATION

The Human Genome Project, which has been carried out by scientists around the world since 1990, is an international genetic research project, developed with the main goal of deciphering the human genetic code and identifying the genes responsible for genetic diseases, how these genes trigger the disease, prevent the occurrence of genetic diseases and cure these diseases. Simultaneously with the main purpose of preventing genetic diseases, once deciphered the genetic code, can contribute to understanding the history of mankind and the evolution of the human species but can also contribute to establishing kinship between parents and children, implicitly establishing the descendants of groups of people, communities. , peoples, so as to highlight the genetic characteristics of a people, the historical evolution and genetic diversity of the members of a people or on the contrary the isolation and uniqueness, the typicality of a people. Apart from this large project, scientific organizations, universities around the world, have carried out small-scale projects aimed at deciphering the genetic code for certain groups of people. In the last 20 years, hundreds of millions of people have resorted - on their own initiative - to DNA tests to establish their own ethnicity and have managed to find new family members and discover their ethnic origins. The DNA test is non-invasive and involves collecting the sample from which the genetic material will be extracted, by impregnating it with saliva, using a small cotton swab, on the inside of the cheek, for about 45 seconds. The sample thus collected is submitted to the genetic analysis laboratory, which will communicate the result in approximately 30 days. The results of the DNA test are confidential and are communicated only to the holder. Useful links for those who want to take the DNA test for ethnicity. https://www.myheritage.ro https://www.ancestry.com http://www.homednadirect.ro http://www.eurogentest.org https://www.23andme.com/ https://www.familytreedna.com/ Those interested can also find other sites specialized in DNA testing, by querying search engines with the text "DNA testing for ethnicity". MAY THE TRUTH MAKE US ALL MORE TOLERANT!

Roman Catholics in Moldavia today.

The Roman Catholic communities in Moldova continue to be the subject of discussions and disputes in the conditions of abandonment practically by the Romanian institutions in the sphere of influence of the Hungarian institutions under the umbrella of respecting the rights of minorities. Romania's entry into the European Union did not change the situation for the better, moreover the Council of Europe recommended Romania, without knowing the concrete reality on the spot, but only on the basis of biased reports from Hungarian extremist activists or apologists for the destruction of the Romanian nation state. to defend and preserve an imaginary csango culture and language. Moreover, the Association for the Defense of Human Rights in Romania and the Pro Europa League, known for their anti-Romanian militancy, presented distorted images of the reality regarding the language and culture of Roman Catholics, both in Romania and in the world. In order for the Hungarianization process to be as elaborate as possible, the Romanian Ministry of Education also intervened, approving since 2002 the study of the Hungarian language in schools in 7 villages in Bacau County without thinking for a moment about the fact that doing so commits abuse. The Romanian Ministry of Culture and the Hungarian Ministry of Cultural Heritage subsidize propaganda books about the culture of Roman Catholics called csangos. In recent years, the Council of Europe, on the grounds of ignorance, has adopted documents for the protection of crops considered to be endangered, including the csangos. Confusions, errors and intoxications, intentional or unintentional, created in connection with the identity of Moldovan Roman Catholics, improperly called csangos come largely from ignorance, because this subject continues to be intensely promoted in propaganda by influential Hungarian extremist circles being manipulated and censored by the wide competition of European bodies which, under the false umbrella of defending the collective rights of the various European minorities, are becoming aggressive. Apart from ignorance, another cause of confusion, errors and intoxications is related to the abusive use of the term csango as an ethnonym, in conjunction with the launch on the so-called scientific market, by pseudo-researchers, educated and paid by the followers of the tycoon Soros. of different theories regarding the history of this Romanian community. Next, there is talk of the existence of a Hungarian dialect among the csangos, of their assimilation by Romanians. Assimilation in their conception was sometimes a natural phenomenon, sometimes organized, the proportion between the two types of assimilation varying from one period to another. For Ferenc Pozsony, "currently, the csango ethnonym designates a community that has partially moved away - linguistically, culturally and socially - from the Hungarian community, but has not yet fully integrated into the Romanian community." Without any foundation, the Hungarian circles claim that until the beginning of the 20th century, if asked, the Catholics from Roman and Bacău counties answered that they were Hungarians, the conscience of origin was clear for all, even if some no longer spoke Hungarian, forgetting or rather not knowing. the fact that Moldovan Catholics have never considered themselves Hungarians in history. The example offered by Dimitrie Cantemir is very revealing in this respect, not for a moment the Moldovan Catholics not saying that they were Hungarians. There is also talk of an alleged unfounded linguistic assimilation in Moldova produced many generations ago, which would have led to the erasure of the memory of Hungarian origin. There was no doubt a linguistic assimilation, but in Transylvania, before the emigration of Romanian Catholics to Moldova, following the process of secession and Hungarianization of Transylvanian Romanians, a phenomenon that should be studied much more carefully by Romanian research, for that thus the ghost of the so-called Szekler Land no longer haunts the zealous promoters of the dissolution of the Romanian unitary national state. Identity is a personal issue for everyone, but unfortunately, the choice today is for Moldovan Catholics subject to unimaginable pressure from Hungarian political, cultural, ecclesiastical and civil circles. Moreover, to these pressures have been added for several years the constant pressures coming from the Romanian authorities, which should naturally defend their civil rights won over time by Catholics, not to upset their identity by introducing Hungarian language classes in schools. , by openly supporting the actions of local separatism, of forced Hungarianization, like the institutions of the Hungarian state in the 19th century, which had made every effort for the forced assimilation of the Transylvanian Romanians. We mention here only the appearance in 1898 under the control of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in Budapest of the "Central Name Hungarianization Society". By virtue of the regulations of this society, Romanians received Hungarian names because "... by Hungarianizing the family name, ie by national baptism, the one with a foreign name is received in the Hungarian Society". An indisputable historical fact supported by an official document, which never had a Romanian equivalent, the Hungarianization policy of the names is an important vein of inspiration for the political leaders of today's Hungary. Today, if any honest Romanian researcher publishes or dares to state in public the Romanianness of Moldovan Catholics, he is immediately classified as an ultranationalist. For Hungarian circles, the truth is unilateral, on the principle "whoever is not with us is against us". The results of the official censuses from 1992 and 2002 are not agreed either, because these Catholics declared themselves Romanians, even if the Romanian officials, under pressure from the Hungarian side, arbitrarily included the csango section in the questionnaire. Going over some confusions and irregularities related to the declaration of nationality, signaled on the occasion of the census, it is obvious that the data regarding the mother tongue do not correspond entirely to reality. Despite the insistence that Hungarian circles have publicly asked people to declare Hungarian as their mother tongue, the reality remains the same: for Moldovan Catholics, the first language learned from their parents is Romanian. Even if the "benefactors" explained to them that the language of their parents and grandparents is an "archaic Hungarian" language, which must be preserved, Catholics were not intimidated by further promoting the Romanian language of their Transylvanian ancestors. In Romania in 2008, the Romanian institutions came to play the game of those of Hungary. Here is how: On April 11, 2008, the Visit of the President of the Hungarian Parliament Katalin Szili and the President of the Chamber of Deputies, Bogdan Olteanu in Bacău County took place, respectively the visit of the parliamentary delegation on the "csango lands". For Hungarian circles the event was of great importance from two points of view. Here are excerpts posted on one of the official csango sites: the csango Hungarians and the organization that defends their rights, regarding the learning of the Hungarian mother tongue and the celebration of the holy liturgies in Hungarian as well. The second very important aspect of the visit of the two presidents is the diplomatic premiere. For the first time in history, one of the most important people of Hungary comes to visit the csango lands (maybe King Bela IV, when he was still a prince, passed by here ... sic!). The presence of the Hungarian parliamentary delegation therefore has an important announcement for us and for local politics: the Parliament of the Republic of Hungary assumes responsibility and feels its own csangos problems, AMCM supports. The President of the Hungarian Parliament was received at the Bacău Prefecture by Claudiu Şerban, the Prefect of Bacău County and by Bogdan Olteanu, the President of the Romanian Chamber of Deputies. The large Hungarian delegation had been talking for over an hour in the great hall of the Prefecture. Also present were Gabriel Berca, Secretary General of the Government (until recently the Prefect of Bacau), and Romeo Stavarache, Mayor of Bacau. Bogdan Olteanu was also accompanied by Hunor Kelemen, the quaestor of the Chamber of Deputies from the UDMR, who participated not only in the meeting at the Prefecture but also in the afternoon program. Mr. János Terényi, Ambassador of Hungary in Bucharest, Tibor Hodicska and Dr. Béla Szabó, Consuls General and other diplomats were also present. Of course, the issue of human rights and minority rights was also addressed, with a special emphasis on teaching Hungarian in the csango communities. The parties have agreed to support each other's aspirations of minorities. Bogdan Olteanu proposed to his guest that in case there are requests for the celebration of liturgies in Hungarian, he resort to a joint letter to the Vatican. We have again resorted to the classic European recommendations that encourage minorities to preserve their culture, and provide support from the state in preserving and manifesting its identity. During the post-meeting press conference, Bogdan Olteanu stated that it is very normal and supportive to introduce the teaching of Hungarian in all schools attended by Moldovan Catholics, even if Hungarian civil and political organizations urge parents to send their children to classes. Hungarian language in exchange for sums of money. After the press conference, at the festive lunch offered by Bogdan Olteanu, the President of the Chamber of Deputies assured them once again that he supports their aspirations, warning them at the same time that we are on the verge of elections. Considering the political context of the problem (AMCM being part of UDMR) Bogdan Olteanu's remark and the attitude of the state authorities in recent years appear in a new light. Between May 8-9, 2008, the Teleki László Foundation (Budapest) organized a scientific conference on the csangos in Moldova in Bacău. Co-organizers were the MTA Institute for Research Organization (Budapest), the Kriza János Ethnographic Association (Cluj-Napoca) and the csango Hungarian Association of Moldova (Bacău). Among the sponsors: the Chancellery of the Prime Minister and the MFA of Hungary. For the first time, the conference Endangered Heritage - Endangered Cultures: csangos from Moldova took place in Bacău, with the wide participation of the Bacău Prefecture. The organizers chose the County Museum of History, hoping that those interested will participate more easily in large numbers in the conference proceedings. These hopes did not come true, very few were interested. The desired dialogue with the Romanian side was not carried out either, given that the Romanian specialists were not even invited. Among the speakers were researchers of Hungarian origin from England, Germany, Poland, Italy, Norway, Serbia and Hungary, all of whom had strong Hungarian financial and political support. Lectures were given by the Reformed Bishop László Tőkés, Member of the European Parliament, and Hunor Kelemen, Executive Chairman of the UDMR. At the end of the conference, the participants went to Pustiana, where the first liturgy in Hungarian took place, thus contradicting the general opinion on the opposition of the Diocese of Iasi to such celebrations. And because any cake must be decorated to measure, Bacău Prefecture celebrated in August with great pomp the national day of Hungary, under the guise offered by the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008. Obviously, on this occasion, do not overlook the efforts made to promote the rescue of the csango minority. For the UDMR and Hungary, the csangos represent an extremely subtle weapon in the political discourse aiming at the autonomy and by extension the independence of the Szekler Land, the csangos Land, Transylvania, the Carpathian Basin, Greater Hungary as a last resort. The creation in the laboratories of Hungarian ideals and the peddling of the above phrases was not and is not at all accidental.

Map of the region Moldova - Romania.

which are marked by localities where there are important Roman Catholic communities in the area of Moldavia.

About professor Dumitru Mărtinaș (1897 - 1979)

Dumitru Mărtinaş was born on May 11, 1897 in Butea, Miclăuşeni commune, Neamţ county (currently the locality belongs to Iaşi county) from peasant parents with ancestors, all Roman Catholics (so-called csangos). As a child, he showed a strong desire for knowledge, was a hard-working student and managed to attend high school. He graduated from the Faculty of Philology of the University of Iaşi in 1922, studying Romanian language and literature, Latin language and philosophy. He enlisted and fought on the front lines in World War I. After graduating from university, he worked in education from October 12, 1921 at the German High School and the Normal School in Chernivtsi, at the German High School in Trontino, Cetatea Albă County, at the Middle School no. 2 from Arad, at the “Principele Nicolae” High School from Sighişoara, and from September 1, 1925 at the “Alexandru Papiu Ilarian” High School from Targu-Mureş where he worked in three periods: 1925-1940; 1945-1948 and 1955-1958, and as director between 1934- 1936. He retired in 1962 and settled in Buzau where he died on February 3, 1979. His scientific work includes several pedagogical essays and the work "Origin of the csangos from Moldova" on which he worked all his life. He wrote numerous studies and articles and gave speeches at the re-establishment of the plaque dedicated to the memory of Mihai Eminescu's stop "La calul alb" from Târgu-Mureş, str Călăraşilor (June 16, 1946) Papiu's monument (1927), also Dumitru Mărtinaş was the one who gave the speech on the occasion of the festivities of restoring the bust in front of the school (December 22, 1957). In order to write his main work, in almost 50 years, he did research and analysis on the spot in over 70 villages with Roman Catholic inhabitants (so-called csangos). " My professional needs - wrote Dumitru Mărtinaş - took me through Bucovina, Bessarabia, through Transylvania, to Arad, Sighişoara, Târgu-Mureş. The Romanian peasants are similar to those from Butea. In autumn, the children from Danes or Voiniceni, Raciu and other villages came to school crouched in the hay cart on the straw mattress, scared, puzzled, accompanied by their parents, peasants overwhelmed by all the humiliations and needs of their miserable life. to prepare children for a smoother, more humane life. I confess that all these children inspired a deep sympathy for me because they reminded me of the child who once, in 1907, crouched in a hay wagon with my father, entered Iasi on Păcurarilor Street, scared by the noise of the city and the trams. That's why I loved these boys, I protected them, I encouraged them and helped them as much as I could throughout my career. Established in Târgu-Mureş, as a teacher at the "Alexandru Papiu Ilarian" High School, I taught the Romanian language and literature and at the Hungarian Roman Catholic High School. The Hungarian director and colleagues, finding out that I was csango, received me with great kindness, but they could not hide their disappointment: I csango - and Hungarian in their opinion - did not know any Hungarian grain. I met Szekler students, their parents, I met Szekler peasants whom I researched very carefully. Households and wealthy people, proud: they did not look like the csango peasants of our Moldova, neither in speech, nor in port, nor in customs. Other people other lifestyle. Instead, at "Papiu Ilarian" among the children of Wallachians and especially with their parents, decent and modest peasants, I always felt among my own and I have to confess that for 37 years, the parents and children of the villages in any case, Transylvanians gave me a warm and pure love that still moves me to tears today. It was the most precious reward of my hard work as a teacher. "